A few thoughts on this week's readings:
-Cloud's (2005) article was a highlight for me given the stinging nature in the way it attacked conventional communication literature for its shortcomings. The idea that we view labor movements and frictions with the corporate world through strictly a communication lens has major issues. I do conceded there is a certain value in using the discursive space afforded by alternate channels of communication and to find a "democratic" representation of labor in the communication process. But this should not be taken as interchangeable to an improved physical situation for those doing the work under harsh conditions. To assume that communication alone makes things hunky dory is nonsense.
The root of this disease in my mind is partly the academic specialization. Assuming you are a communication scholar, it is logical that in many cases you will view things exclusively from a communication angle. In doing so, you run the risk of exaggerating the effects of engaging in more democratic forms of communication. A less-than rudimentary knowledge of economic policy also adds to this. More ivory-tower syndrome.
-I was wondering of the response of you guys to the point made in Cheney and Cloud's (2006) work on different forms of capitalism. (page 522) Cheney suggests that you have to take into account the "variety of relations among the state, capital, labor and the citizenry" before applying some Marxist-one-size-fit-all theories. As he points out, some of these models operate against TNC interests and take social costs into account. Shouldn't these models pe preserved, or does it boil down to capitalism=bad?
-Again, Cheney suggests on page 529 that we take the modern consumerist economic model into account before setting a Marxist critique. Under this thought, should we view consumer rights as a viable form of capitalist resistance, though it buys into the notion that consumption is the driving force of society? I would say that as long as it does create a net benefit effect to the consumer (most of society), we should not dismiss it, even if it falls short of chosen ideals for class freedom.
-Cloud's (2005) article was a highlight for me given the stinging nature in the way it attacked conventional communication literature for its shortcomings. The idea that we view labor movements and frictions with the corporate world through strictly a communication lens has major issues. I do conceded there is a certain value in using the discursive space afforded by alternate channels of communication and to find a "democratic" representation of labor in the communication process. But this should not be taken as interchangeable to an improved physical situation for those doing the work under harsh conditions. To assume that communication alone makes things hunky dory is nonsense.
The root of this disease in my mind is partly the academic specialization. Assuming you are a communication scholar, it is logical that in many cases you will view things exclusively from a communication angle. In doing so, you run the risk of exaggerating the effects of engaging in more democratic forms of communication. A less-than rudimentary knowledge of economic policy also adds to this. More ivory-tower syndrome.
-I was wondering of the response of you guys to the point made in Cheney and Cloud's (2006) work on different forms of capitalism. (page 522) Cheney suggests that you have to take into account the "variety of relations among the state, capital, labor and the citizenry" before applying some Marxist-one-size-fit-all theories. As he points out, some of these models operate against TNC interests and take social costs into account. Shouldn't these models pe preserved, or does it boil down to capitalism=bad?
-Again, Cheney suggests on page 529 that we take the modern consumerist economic model into account before setting a Marxist critique. Under this thought, should we view consumer rights as a viable form of capitalist resistance, though it buys into the notion that consumption is the driving force of society? I would say that as long as it does create a net benefit effect to the consumer (most of society), we should not dismiss it, even if it falls short of chosen ideals for class freedom.
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